6월, 2024의 게시물 표시

MALDEK-ANDROMEDA-식인공룡-식인파충류-ATLANTIS-준성단HISTORY +22等級 박종권 서술 주요술수수법 1. 代贖,贖罪 術數 알고리즘 - 원본질,원핵,원본래로서의 ITSELF OWNER ORIGINALLY ID(원본능체)를 그 자신으로 한다. - 원본질,원핵,원본래 그 자체를 타깃으로 하는 비파충류종족,인간류,사람류가 지니는 원핵,원 본질, 원본래보다 높은 수준의 파동에너지 주파수 영역대에 머물게 한다. 즉, 어디든 무조건 들어갈수 있도록 준비한다. 하위종족군, 말하자면 먹잇감이 되고 식육인육물육식인의 대상 이 되는 생명체들과 실체들이 아무리 방어하려고 해도 방어할수 없도록 만든다. - 原本來, 原核, 原本質은, PHYSICS-PHYSICAL-MATERIALIZED-BASIC-BIO-LIVES & LIFE수준을 100% 장악한다. 즉, 기초생명체들이 요구하는 기초물질과 기초생명력, 기초원분자, 기초원 핵을 모조리 100% 손아귀에 쥐고 있다. - 그로서, 物質現象宇宙내에서 얻을수 있는 모든 富貴功名, 富貴榮華, 快樂, 富饒함, 滿足을 100% 얻을수 있도록 사전 준비배치한다. - 단, 靈魂이라고 불리는 實體가 문제가 되는데, 靈等級,靈力,靈位,靈性,靈格이 높을 경우, 이러 한 술수가 통하지 않는다. MALDEK食人恐龍놈이 이 문제를 破解한 술수는 아래와 같다. - 박종권이로 불리우는 하급지구인,하전민,하층민을 만들고, 영적인 속임수, 기망술을 전개 하여 박종권이가 지닌 영위,영등급,영각,영력,영성,영격을 모조리 빼앗고 무단탈취, 무단공 유하여 박종권이가 그렇게 한 것으로 처리하면서, 제놈의 아종 모두가 박종권이로 위전생 하고 다중존재하는(위전생한 박종권이들은 박종권이처럼 살게 하는데, 다만 그 자신의 핵 심의식 혹은 현실인식체는 거기 없고 아종들을 투입해놓는 술수, 현실인식체는 박종권이 를 이용해서 얻을수 있는 아주 제일 좋은 것들을 가지는 놈들에게 이동하여 거기에 머물고 즐기고 향락하는 술수, 그 반면, 그 자신의 원본래로서의 식인공룡들은, 다른 영역과 차원 에서 식인공룡으로 현신하여, 영등급이 높은 인간류, 사람들을 잡아먹는 다중술수전개,그 자신의 아종, 현신아바타,아아종들을 같은 영적실체로 만드는 술수) 술수로서 영혼들의 방 어력, 보호력, 수호력을 무력화시키고 제놈 맘대로 자행하는 술수를 기본으로 하다. 1단계 : 제놈의 아종을 박종권이로 위전생시키고 똑같이 살게 한다. 하지만 현실인식체는 거기 없다.(아종) - 영혼들의 방어력을 무력화시키는 술수 2단계 : 제놈의 제2아종,현신아바타를 만들고, 박종권이의 영등급무단공유탈취, 제놈으로 서의 아종, 현신아바타도 박종권이의 영등급과 같은 선하고 착한놈으로 위위장후, 사람사는 세상에서 혹은 진보된 현대세계에서 황제,왕,대통령,재벌총수,장군등 좋은 건 다 해 처 먹는다.(사람사는세상, 혹은 타깃이 되는 인간류,사람,비파충류하위종들 의 세계를 대상으로 자기가 같은 동족이거나 같은 사람이라고 속이는 술수 그러면 서도 그 입장에서는, 그 세계에서 얻을수 있는 쾌락과 만족을 동시에 모조리 얻고 즐 기는 술수-물론 모를수도 있는데, 이 새끼가 원본래는 축생급이고 인육한접시가 진 실로 원하는 것이므로 그렇다. 그냥 즐기는 것처럼 위장하는 것일수도 있다.) 3단계 : 사람사는 세상, 인간류,비파충류하위종들의 세계에서 존경받거나 처우받거나 높힘 을 받고, 이 사람들의 영혼 혹은 높은 자아들로부터 의심,의혹,경계대상에서 제외되 는 간교한 술수를 쓴다. 일단 의심,의혹,경계대상에서 제외되고 제놈 맘대로 다른 세 계에서 권력과 힘을 휘두를수 있게 되거나, 자기 맘대로 행동행위언행할 단계가 되 면, 즉시, 원본래로서의 식인공룡, 식인파충류로 현신하여, 다른 영역과 차원으로 이 동하여, 현재 사람류,인간류,혹은 비파충류하위종들을 사람들 모르게 은밀한 술수로 서 유인하거나 강제로 구인하거나 끌고 가서 잡아 먹는다. 이렇게 할 경우에는, 사람 을 잡아먹었던 시기로 이동하는데, 그 단계가 과학자들이 말하는 공룡들의 시대이 다. 사람을 잡아먹으면 안되는 현대시대이거나 혹은 금지된 영역과 차원에서는 그런 짓을 하지 않고 속인다. 특히 아플레이아데스놈들인데, 요 씹새끼들은, 이른바 수달 종족을 자처하고 준초식을 한다고 거짓주장하지만, 실제로는 수달이 아니며, 식인공 룡들이다. 그리고 겉으로는 준초식을 하고 사람처럼 사는 것으로 보이지만, 식인공 룡, 식인파충류단계를 졸업하지 못한 식인공룡 그 자체가 그 자신의 원본래이다. 그 래서 이들은 늘 뭔가가 불만족하는데, 원본래가 식인공룡이기 때문이다. 그래서 아 무리 수달족으로 위전생하고, 준초식을 하고 있더라도, 그 자신의 원본래가 요구하 는 것을 만족하지 못하면 괴롭거나 불만족하는 것이다. 그래서 겉으로는 수달족이고 사람으로 행세하지만, 그 자신의 원본래가 요구하는 욕구,욕망 인육한접시에 대한 요구는 끊을수가 없는 것이다. 그래서 이 씨팔놈들이 선택한 간교교활사특한 술수는 우리가 전술한 그런 방식들이다. 하지만 아무리 이러한 간교사특교활한 술수를 쓰더 라도 더 높은 단계에서 이것을 안다. 그것이 바로 아틀란티스이고, 준성단계이다. 그 래서 이 씨팔놈들이 안드로메다은하계놈들을 동원해서, 아틀란티스와 준성단계를 멸족궤멸시킨 이유이다. 그리고 그렇게 하려고 박종권이라고 불리는 하급하전민 얼 간이 등신새끼를 속이고 기망하여, 영력,영등급,영위를 빼앗고, 박종권이의 +22등급 의 고위등급을 제것으로 만든 것이다. 그리고 이 높은 영등급을 이용해서 사람잡아먹 는 일에 악용한 것이다. 그리고 이 높은 영등급을 악용하여 아틀란티스를 멸망시키 고, 준성단계를 궤멸시킨 것이다. 원본래영등급으로는 불가능한데, 사람을 잡아처먹 는 축생들의 경우 영혼이라는 것 자체가 없기 때문이다.(이 단계가 이 식인식육물육 인육축생들이 진실로 요구하는 것들이다.) 섹스,음락,쾌락, 보지에 대한 욕구, 씹질에 대한 욕망도 사람을 잡아처먹고 인육을 처 먹기 위해서 만든 것들이며, 사람류,인간류를 가축축생류로 퇴행시키려고 개발한 술수들이다. 특히 인도놈들이며 라마제국놈들이다. 이 라마제국놈들과 인도에 이른바 성자현자운운하는 개새끼들은 이 섹스,음락에 대해서 잘 아는데, 인간류의 영혼을 잡기 위해서 만든 것이다. 그리고 그렇게 하려고 박종권이와 똑같은 이건희, 똑같은 이재용이를 만들고 오로지 섹스쾌락,음락에 몰두하게 하고 인간류,사람들의 보지,자지(중요핵심생명력,의식,영적인 것들이 결부된 중요부위)를 잡은 것이다. 이건희놈이 개발한 섹스마법이라는 것은, 인간류,사람의 영혼을 잡아서 굴종시키기 위하여 이 씨팔새끼들이 개발한 보지,자지쾌락술이다. 인육을 처 먹기 위해서 유인하려고 만든 것들이다. 원본래로서는 이런 것은 아니지만, 말데크식인공룡놈들이 보다 질좋고 맛있는 인육을 처 먹으려고 계발하고 향상시키고 왜곡한 것이 섹스음락보지자지쾌락요구들이다. 인간류의 오르가즘을 위변형해서, 사람을 잡아처먹는 식인술수에 응용한 것도 말데크식인공룡놈들이다. 지금도 이 글을 적으면, 제놈이 적었다거나 제놈이 가르쳐주었다고 말할 것이다. 하지만 이 새끼들은, 다만 축생가축에 속하는 아주 원시미개하등야만의 짐승들이다. 다만, 사람류나 인간류의 의식과 아보다 높은 영역과 차원계에 제놈들의 원본래,원본질,원핵을 둔 것인데, 그렇게 해야 사람을 잡아먹을수 있기에 그렇다. 그러나 그렇다고 해서 이 씨팔새끼들이 사람보다 높은 존재냐 하면 그게 아니다. 이 씹새끼들은 존재하는 영역과 차원은 사람의 눈으로 보면 무서운 지옥이다. 단, 물질,육신,물리현상차원에서는 실재하는 인간류나 사람류의 체와 의식, 물질, 물리보다 높은 영역과 차원에 머무는 것 뿐이다. 말하자면, 이 씨팔놈들을 의식차원이나 영적차원에서 본다면, 흑암의 지옥이지만, 이 상태는 의식차원이므로 물리물질차원과는 다르다는 점이다. 이 상태에서 물리물질화하는 단계에서 중도에서 요 씨팔놈들이 파동주파수대역을 일반적인 사람류, 인간류보다 높은 대역에 두었다는 것 뿐이다. 왜 그런가 하면 잡아 처 먹으려고 그렇게 한 것이다. 하지만 그렇다고 해서 이 씨브랄개새끼들이 높은 존재가 아니며, 실체를 들여다보면, 들짐승에 불과한 아주 낮은 의식을 지닌 아닌 말로 개새끼들에 불과하다는 놀라운 사실이다. 인격화하는 기술도 가지고 있다. 하지만 이 새끼가 바라는 것은 인육한접시이기에 인격화하거나 지식,기술을 가지는 건 아무런 관심도 없는 것이다. 그것을 사냥기술로 본다. 그리고 인육을 처 먹고 만족해서 자빠져 잔다. 이게 우리가 목격관찰한 것들이다. 특히 아플레이아데스놈들 비행접시타고 나타나고 잘 생긴 외계인형상으로 나타나고 우주복입고 나타나는 놈들이 이런 짓을 하는 것을 목격관찰하다. 이 새끼들 역시 박종권이의 영등급을 무단탈취하고 빼앗은 것을 무단공유해서 잘 생기고 준수하고 지적인 용모를 가진 것으로 목격관찰되다. 실제 용모나 형상을 원본래로서 보면 형편없는 불쌍한 벌레같은 놈들에 불과하다. 이런 짓을 자행한 놈은, MALDEK수장용(식인공룡놈)이다. 이런 새끼들에게서 모든 人格을 永久破門하다로서 지시명령처리기록되다. 모든 人格을 빼앗고 쓸수 없게 만들도록 지시명령처리기록되다. - 박종권이로 불리는 하급하전민은 +22等級의 높은 영위,영등급,영력,영성,영각을 보유했으 나, 왜 이런 축생등급도 안되는 형편없는 짐승 놈에게 속았는가에 대한 문제 - 현재로서는 알수 없다. 우리가 이 문제에 대해서 알려고 노력하지만 현재로서는 알수 없 다. 上記에 기재된 내용에 해당되는 놈들을 持續的恒久的恒續的終身的永久的永遠的永劫的永續的無始無終的으로 永久破門하다로서 指示命令處理記錄되다. MALDEK을 持續的恒久的恒續的終身的永久的永遠的永劫的永續的無始無終的으로 永久破門하다로서 指示命令處理記錄되다. 人肉食肉物肉食人件肉을 持續的恒久的恒續的終身的永久的永遠的永劫的永續的無始無終的으로 永久破門하다로서 指示命令處理記錄되다. +22等級 박종권 서명

 MALDEK-ANDROMEDA-식인공룡-식인파충류-ATLANTIS-준성단HISTORY +22等級 박종권 서술 주요술수수법 1. 代贖,贖罪 術數 알고리즘 - 원본질,원핵,원본래로서의 ITSELF OWNER ORIGINALLY ID(원본능체)를 그 자신으로 한다. - 원본질,원핵,원본래 그 자체를 타깃으로 하는 비파충류종족,인간류,사람류가 지니는 원핵,원   본질, 원본래보다 높은 수준의 파동에너지 주파수 영역대에 머물게 한다. 즉, 어디든 무조건    들어갈수 있도록 준비한다. 하위종족군, 말하자면 먹잇감이 되고 식육인육물육식인의 대상   이 되는 생명체들과 실체들이 아무리 방어하려고 해도 방어할수 없도록 만든다. - 原本來, 原核, 原本質은, PHYSICS-PHYSICAL-MATERIALIZED-BASIC-BIO-LIVES & LIFE수준을    100% 장악한다. 즉, 기초생명체들이 요구하는 기초물질과 기초생명력, 기초원분자, 기초원   핵을 모조리 100% 손아귀에 쥐고 있다.  - 그로서, 物質現象宇宙내에서 얻을수 있는 모든 富貴功名, 富貴榮華, 快樂, 富饒함, 滿足을     100% 얻을수 있도록 사전 준비배치한다. - 단, 靈魂이라고 불리는 實體가 문제가 되는데, 靈等級,靈力,靈位,靈性,靈格이 높을 경우, 이러   한 술수가 통하지 않는다.    MALDEK食人恐龍놈이 이 문제를 破解한 술수는 아래와 같다.   - 박종권이로 불리우는 하급지구인,하전민,하층민을 만들고, 영적인 속임수, 기망술을 전개     하여 박종권이가 지닌 영위,영등급,영각,영력,영성,영격을 모조리 빼앗고 무단탈취, 무단공     유하여 박종권이가 그렇게 한 것으로 처리하면서, 제놈의 아종 모두가 박종권이로 위전생     하고 다중존재하는(위전생한 박종권이들은 박종권이처럼 살게 하...

property재산,소유물(→intellectual property, lost property, public property)부동산건물건물구내 intellectualityintellectualpower지력지성총명sconceupperworksintellectualforceintellectualfacultiesclydebrainpowerheadpieceexertintelligencenoeticintelligentialintellectualnessintellectiveingineintellectivelynoetic(s)intellectualprogress spirit정신영혼기분마음(특정한 유형의)사람(→free spirit) anima[UC]영혼정신생명[the ~][심리]아니마((남성의 여성적 특성, cf. ANIMUS 3)) Psyche[p~; the ~, one’s ~] (육체와 대비하여) 영혼, 정신(cf. CORPUS)심리 정신, 프시케 Geist(철학의) 정신, 영혼; 지적 감수성, 지적 정열 Maldek영구파문永久破門 jiva영혼힌두교대아(大我)(Atman)의특정한표현으로생각되는개개의영혼자이나교비영혼(ajira)에대해개개의영혼또는생명의원리온갖색깔을가진업(業)에의한물질에의해착색된투명한수정으로비유된다.(집합적으로)이것들의모나드(monads)우주의생기의원리로생각되고있다. 인격人格personalitycharacter PC방PC房PCBangAPCbang(Korean:PC방;lit.PCroom)isatypeofinternetcafeorLANgamingcenterinSouthKorea hypostasis[철학]근본,본질,실체(개념의)구체화의학혈액강하[침체](삼위일체의)한위격(位格) ousia실체 substance실체물질본질핵심요지 hypostatization실체시(視)실체화 stereography입체[실체]화법((입체기하학의한분야))입체사진술 stereogram(물체의실체적인상을그대로표현한)실체화(畵)입체화실체도표(=STEREOGRAPH) substantialize실체로하다실체화하다실재시키다실재화하다실현하다실지로나타내다 incorporeity[U]실체[형태]가없음무형비물질성무형적존재 illusiveness착각을일으키게함실체가없음 bodilessness몸통이없음형체[실체]가없음 prakriti힌두교(상캬(Sankhya)파철학에서)프라크리티근본물질푸루샤(순수정신원리)의영향을받으면서거기에서물질적우주와정신적우주가전개하는근원적실체 self-definition자기(의본질[실체]의)인식[확인] 임경업(林慶業, 1594년 12월 13일(음력 11월 2일) ~ 1646년 8월 1일(음력 6월 20일)) 강감찬(姜邯贊[1] 또는 姜邯瓚[2], 948년 음력 11월 19일~1031년 음력 8월 20일) 알렉산드로스 3세 메가스Alexander III of Macedon (Ancient Greek: Ἀλέξανδρος, romanized: Alexandros; 20/21 July 356 BC – 10/11 June 323 BC) 한니발 바르카Hannibal (/ˈhænɪbəl/; Punic: 𐤇𐤍𐤁𐤏𐤋, romanized: Ḥannībaʿl; 247 – between 183 and 181 BC) 조지 H. W. 부시(George Herbert Walker Bush, 1924년 ~ 2018년) 조지 W. 부시(George Walker Bush, 1946년 ~ ) Victoria (Alexandrina Victoria; 24 May 1819 – 22 January 1901)빅토리아 여왕(영어: Alexandrina Victoria, 1819년 5월 24일 ~ 1901년 1월 22일) Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher, LG, OM, DStJ, PC, FRS, HonFRSC (née Roberts; 13 October 1925 – 8 April 2013)마거릿 힐더 대처(영어: Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher, LG, OM, 1925년 10월 13일 ~ 2013년 4월 8일) 朝鮮世宗(朝鮮語:조선 세종/朝鮮世宗 Joseon Sejong;1397年5月7日[1]—1450年4月8日),姓李,諱祹(朝鮮語:이도/李祹 Yi Do),字元正(朝鮮語:원정/元正 Wonjeong),朝鲜王朝的第4代国王 阿提拉或亞提拉等(Attila,又常稱Attila the Hun,約406年—453年),是自約434年時至其過世時為匈人最主要的大单于之一 Elizabeth I (7 September 1533 – 24 March 1603) Elizabeth II (Elizabeth Alexandra Mary; 21 April 1926 – 8 September 2022) Vice-Admiral Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson, 1st Duke of Bronte KB (29 September [O.S. 18 September] 1758 – 21 October 1805) 고려 태조(高麗 太祖, 877년 1월 31일(음력 1월 14일)[1] ~ 943년 7월 4일(음력 5월 29일) 세종(한국 한자: 世宗, 중세 한국어: ·솅조ᇰ[1], 1397년 5월 15일 (음력 4월 10일)[2] ~ 1450년 3월 30일 (음력 2월 17일))은 조선의 제4대 국왕(재위 : 1418년 9월 9일 ~ 1450년 3월 30일) Douglas MacArthur (26 January 1880 – 5 April 1964) 道格拉斯·麥克阿瑟(英語:Douglas MacArthur,1880年1月26日—1964年4月5日) 唐高宗李治(628年7月21日—683年12月27日) 撒切尔女男爵玛格丽特·希尔达·撒切尔 LG OM PC FRS FRIC(英語:Margaret Hilda Thatcher, Baroness Thatcher,/ˈθætʃɚ/ ( 聆聽);1925年10月13日—2013年4月8日) 伊丽莎白二世(英語:Elizabeth II;1926年4月21日[註 1]—2022年9月8日),全名伊丽莎白·亚历山德拉·玛丽(英語:Elizabeth Alexandra Mary) 伊丽莎白一世(英語:Elizabeth I;1533年9月7日—1603年3月24日),于1558年11月17日至1603年3月24日任英格兰和爱尔兰女王 溫斯頓·倫納德·斯賓塞-邱吉爾爵士,KG,OM,CH,TD,DL,FRS,PC (Can),RA(英語:Sir Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill;1874年11月30日—1965年1月24日) 海軍中將第一代納爾遜子爵霍雷肖·納爾遜,KB(英語:Vice Admiral Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson,1758年9月29日—1805年10月21日) 충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 죽리(竹里) 충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 용강리(曲江里) 충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 중동리(中洞里) 충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 대동리(大洞里) 충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 교동리(校洞里) 충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 증평리(曾坪里) 충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 죽리(竹里) 107 충청북도(忠淸北道) 괴산군(槐山郡) 증평읍(曾坪邑) 교동(校洞) 183 경기도(京畿道) 인천시(仁川市) 동구(東區) 송림동(松林洞) 105 서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 62‐12 서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 347 서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 91 서울특별시(서울特別市) 영등포구(永登浦區) 봉천동(奉天洞) 345 人智冒瀆食肉物肉人肉人面畜顔欺賣詐妄偏誕矯誘僞到罔誣蒙調瞞詭變騙譎姦伋張謬誑抵犯迋諼訛謾讒豫謨諠訑訏詫譸拐眩㗄谩䛲侜謶赚诬瞒㓃倰誈骗诧賺诈谲诡騗諕幠誆诳䛫諆譠谖紿绐緿諔忚売㗈誔㪭㦒譧诪懗譤讆憰誷吪蚩𧫠𧨆𧸖𧫩𥊑𧫽𧩄我吾余予身民愚朕魚卬厶俺台儂蒙調瞞詭變騙譎姦伋張謬誑抵犯迋狡童凶黠能猾獪猾狡惡詐黠兇猾衣膚皮膚肤臚胪㱺肌表𤺧𦢚𦠄𤿘腅腠胕心志腹魂胸肺思腸中根寸神性胃腦本肝指膽膺宮緖意志感情臆腑意思㣺襟虛抱衿㲴傷暴殘毒凶費危蓋殃損厄殆克賊割禍忮慘曝虐癒踐疾㺑惎㥍刻残㲅㥇讒獵伤齕𣧝𣳅𢾃仇𢗏𢤵𨆎𤡙盖沴遏毀剝㐫敝𢦏㫧㬥㓙费狡龁枳䄃𣧑威𪗟损曷𨸷蠹擠礙葢䜛挤揍谗㦑㨈憨瘉蠧耗𠐣碍甾疚寇措惨贼旤祸狡猾獪㺒狯䛢姡㛿𤠖𢛛迌狡吏猾智狡情𡠹𧭇𠋬𡜶𤟋欺賣詐妄偏誕矯誘僞到罔誣攫㸕爴攘𤔗㸕爴𤔩攫𣀮𢺖殺死毒斷六殘減劍劉極兵克殊屠煞夷戮留去擊薨戕壓烹剿殛杀刘虔敲奪漁削越割篡簒收劫褫沒攫剝壤神性神悰胷䰟志肠膓肺腸肝腎㥽意向𦛄𦚍𦙞𦚾肚匘肊恖吋懷䐗䘳胆中脑脳幽緒宫䐉绪鑿虚虗褱懐凿怀作心三日不立文字憚恂愰思心想念意案魂觀端憶感情恖臆慮悰襟抱衿忌𠂺𡴓𢙦𠃼𢗁𢍄㣺䰟懷肊䘳観观覌肩胛胉䯋脻肩胛骨𣄤𩨹𣄘𩩦𩩘𩩲𦚑𦚌𡱎腎牡陰莖屌紫芝屪㞗𣬠𡳇𣬶肾龜龜龜寢不安席䘒牛腎不眠徹夜坐藏之馬陰藏陰縮𧗔越宿腎莖狗腎黃狗腎陰縱天宦鹿鞭鹿腎男莖形陰痿三之陰莖癌脧龍頭龜頭膣屄毴寶唐之陰門腟獨見之明聰明叡智唭越視靑盲三之視覺障碍人空銜下門步藏之貞操權見邪視觀監嘗看視覽審閱處八不用菑䃣䃣𤢪䃣靡窛𢵄葘中被倒竊姦盜偸攘偷窃𢿑𥨷徼襒忨媮婾剽盗姧㡪𢅼愉撟挢狡獪猾狡兔三窟㺒狯䛢𤠖𢛛姡㛿𡠹𧭇狡獪猾狡兔三窟㺒狯䛢𤠖𢛛姡㛿𡠹𧭇𠋬𡜶𤟋迌𠬍狡吏猾智狡情狡童萃厧峙𧽖崻濡滯留連僑侨宿眠寢睡伸寐寑寝㝛㝲暝𡨦𡪷𡪢𡫒臥寢伸俯偃懶卧躺𠥸𠑛寑䖙𣱐頫䫍飯食喫哺茹噬啜糊饌湌餐饋喰飵噍飮吸酌酒仰茶喫爵哈歃餐啐嚥飲啜坐居娑㘴㘸𥦊𨆃𠱯𢋇𡊎𥧚𡋲姬躦袴胯跨𦜮𢆋𧿉𦚬褲裤骻趶髋髖臗𣎑股腓股掌會陰乳鏡動脈輸血變譎姦伋張誑抵犯謬迋諼訛讒謾諠訑訏詫譸眩豫謨侜赚瞒骗賺拐紿㗄谩䛲謶诬㓃倰誈诧诈谲诡騗諕幠誆吪蚩诳䛫諆譠谖绐緿諔忚𧫠䄃威损曷𨸷蠹葢挤揍擠憨瘉礙蠧䜛谗㦑㨈𠐣耗碍甾疚寇惨贼祸措戝旤䄀毁践猟菑䃣逢打搥𢈹扑打討攻征叩批毆撻拷搏注扑攵拉朴斫撲攴搭挨杓椓击捶抌棒殴讨搷㩁摐搕搉朾挌扺槀挞挝刜反宇宙體반우주체식인체食人體식육체食肉體마물체魔物體짐승체獸禽畜體부정정사否定情事부정사음부정정교부정섹스부정결혼부정혼인부정통혼플레이아데스4대무법자630128-1067814朴鐘權的大億劫的削的磨的滅的處理的반사회성인격장애否定腐敗부정부패荷蘭네덜란드尼德蘭아틀란티스Atlantis준아틀란티스준성단준성운지구말데크Maldek리라Lyra베가VegaαLyrae안드로메다아플레이아데스莫無可奈當爲我亞流主義我人之常情不同否非否同非同非同否同不非人之常情나𢦠𣍹𢦓𢦖𢦐𠨐𩵋𨈟𦨶𩇶偺喒俺姎𢓲𨖍𢀹𦩎𦩗𠨂身民朕나我吾余予身民愚朕魚卬厶俺台儂自己侬余原始下等未開無智邪慝狡慝狡猾異他惰差別秀殊相象像空敵賊偸意識體我訝娥餓俄啞哦서울特別市龍山區靑坡洞三街서울특별시용산구청파동3가서울特別市龍山區靑坡洞서울특별시용산구청파동라마크리슈나(Ramakrishna, 1836년~1886년)용산공업고등학교(龍山工業高等學校)서울특별시영등포구봉천동62번지12호박종권패악무도 패덕무례 패륜지도에 대한 처리서부정결혼否定結婚부정혼인否定婚姻부정통혼否定通婚to negate; to de부정정교否定情交to negate; to denyfeeling; senti부정사음否定邪婬to negate; to denywrong; evil; d부정정사否定情事to negate; to denycircumstances;物肉畜生食肉畜生人肉畜生食人肉畜生REPTOIDE物肉人肉食肉食人人面畜顔持續的恒久的恒續的永遠的永劫的永續的永久的無始無終的永久破門削磨滅pneumanotchdegradationdemotionseizureplunderunauthorizedsharing영등급강등영등급강탈영등급무단공유靈等級降等靈等級强奪無斷共有公有食人식인食肉식육人肉인육원본능無限贖罪任意贖罪永久贖罪一時贖罪無斷贖罪淫獄等活地獄黑繩地獄衆合地獄叫喚地獄大叫喚地獄焦熱地獄阿鼻地獄大焦熱地獄八熱八寒地獄無間地獄무지無知미개未開원시原始하등下等야만野蠻무능無能物肉人肉食肉食人人面畜顔생각사고사색thoughtthinking계획ideathinkconsider기억remembrancerememberlookbackonbringcallsbsthtomind마음의지마음mind의향inclination의도intentionthinkofaboutintendplanmeanMaldek플레이아데스성단(Pleiades star cluster)안드로메다자리 대성운(Andromeda大星雲)거문고자리(라틴어: Lyra)Hercules (constellation)용산공업고등학교(龍山工業高等學校)서울특별시영등포구봉천동62번지12호서울특별시 영등포구 봉천동 91서울특별시 영등포구 봉천동 347서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 345서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 738서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 1625-25서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 1612-24서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 1604-13서울특별시 관악구 봉천동 738-291 낙원그린빌라 201서울특별시용산구청파동宿所숙소宿泊숙박住所地주소지居所거소하숙집民家민가聯立住宅연립주택蜂窩住宅봉와주택忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 龍江里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 용강리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 大洞里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 대동리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 中洞里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 중동리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 校洞里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 교동리忠淸北道 曾坪郡 曾坪邑 曾坪里 충청북도 증평군 증평읍 증평리서울特別市龍山區靑坡洞identityPersonality인격人格정체正體정체성正體性identityPersonal identity영성靈性영격靈格혼령魂靈혼백魂魄soulspirit얼굴face낯안면顔面용안容顔visagespiritualitysoulthespiritoressenceofaperson靈魂ghost안드로메다 은하(영어: Andromeda Galaxy)메시에 31(M31) 또는 NGC 224얼굴(머리의앞쪽)face(literary)visage(표정)facelook(literary)countenance(체면)face持續的恒久的恒續的永遠的永劫的永續的永久的無始無終的永久破門削磨滅

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 property재산,소유물(→intellectual property, lost property, public property)부동산건물건물구내 intellectualityintellectualpower지력지성총명sconceupperworksintellectualforceintellectualfacultiesclydebrainpowerheadpieceexertintelligencenoeticintelligentialintellectualnessintellectiveingineintellectivelynoetic(s)intellectualprogress   spirit정신영혼기분마음(특정한 유형의)사람(→free spirit) anima[UC]영혼정신생명[the ~][심리]아니마((남성의 여성적 특성, cf. ANIMUS 3)) Psyche[p~; the ~, one’s ~] (육체와 대비하여) 영혼, 정신(cf. CORPUS)심리 정신, 프시케 Geist(철학의) 정신, 영혼; 지적 감수성, 지적 정열 Maldek영구파문永久破門 jiva영혼힌두교대아(大我)(Atman)의특정한표현으로생각되는개개의영혼자이나교비영혼(ajira)에대해개개의영혼또는생명의원리온갖색깔을가진업(業)에의한물질에의해착색된투명한수정으로비유된다.(집합적으로)이것들의모나드(monads)우주의생기의원리로생각되고있다. 인격人格personalitycharacter PC방PC房PCBangAPCbang(Korean:PC방;lit.PCroom)isatypeofinternetcafeorLANgamingcenterinSouthKorea hypostasis[철학]근본,본질,실체(개념의)구체화의학혈액강하[침체](삼위일체의)한위격(位格) ousia실체 substance실체물질본질핵심요지 hypostatization실체시(視)실체화 stereography입체[실체]화법((입체기하학의한분야))입체사진술 stereogram(물체의실체적인상을그대로표현한)실체화(畵)입체화실체도표(=STEREOGRAPH...

Between 1205 and 1227, the Mongol Empire embarked on a series of military campaigns that ultimately led to the destruction of the Tangut-led Western Xia dynasty in northwestern China. Hoping to both to plunder and acquire vassalage, Genghis Khan commanded some initial raids against the Western Xia before launching a full-scale invasion in 1209. This was the first major invasion conducted by Genghis, and his first major incursion into China. The Mongols began a siege of the Western Xia capital Yinchuan that lasted nearly a decade, during which the Mongols tried to divert a river to flood the city, but accidentally flooded their own camp instead. Ultimately, Emperor Xiangzong of Western Xia surrendered to the Mongols in January 1210, marking the beginning of a decade of Western Xia vassalage under the Mongols, where they provided support for the Mongol conquest of the Jin dynasty. However, when Genghis invaded the Islamic Khwarazmian Empire in 1219, the Western Xia attempted to break away from Mongol vassalage and form alliances with the Jin and Song dynasties. Angered by the betrayal of the Western Xia, Genghis Khan began a second campaign against them, sending a punitive expedition into Western Xia in 1225. Genghis intended to annihilate the entire Western Xia culture: his methodically destroyed their cities and countryside, and began besieging Yinchuan in 1227. In December , near the end of the siege, Genghis Khan died of unknown causes, which has been presented by some accounts as being the result of wounds he had suffered against the Western Xia. Following Genghis's death, Yinchuan fell to the Mongols, and most of its population was massacred. Background Main article: Western Xia The Western Xia dynasty emerged in 1038—also called "Xi Xia", the "Tangut Empire", or "Minya"—and eventually controlled what are now the northwestern provinces of Ningxia, Gansu, eastern Qinghai, northern Shaanxi, northeastern Xinjiang, southwest Inner Mongolia, and southernmost Outer Mongolia.[1][2][3] A fairly small state, Western Xia struggled against its larger and more powerful neighbors, the Liao dynasty to the east and northeast, and the Song dynasty to the southeast. When the Jin dynasty emerged in 1115 and displaced the Liao, Western Xia eventually accepted vassal status to the new Jin empire. Aiding Jin in their wars against the Song, Western Xia gained thousands of square miles of former Song territory. However, over many years the relations between Western Xia and Jin gradually declined. Upon the death of its fourth ruler, Emperor Renzong, Emperor Huanzong took the throne and Western Xia's power began to fail. Though militarily inferior to neighboring Jin, the Western Xia still exerted a significant influence upon the northern steppes. The state often welcomed deposed Kerait leaders because of close trade connections to the steppes and because of the possibility of using the refugees as pawns in the Mongolian Plateau.[4] In the late 1190s and early 1200s, Temüjin, soon to be Genghis Khan, began consolidating his power in Mongolia. Following the death of the Keraites leader Ong Khan to Temüjin's emerging Mongol Empire in 1203, Keriat leader Nilqa Senggum led a small band of followers into Western Xia.[4] However, after his adherents took to plundering the locals, Nilqa Senggum was expelled from Western Xia territory.[4] Preliminary raids Using his rival Nilga Senggum's temporary refuge in Western Xia as a pretext, Temüjin launched a raid against the state in 1205 in the Edsin region.[4][5][6] The Mongols plundered border settlements and one local Western Xia noble accepted Mongol supremacy.[7] During a raid on Ganzhou (present-day Zhangye), the Mongols captured the son of the city's commander.[8] This young boy joined Mongol service and took a Mongol name, Chagaan, and eventually rose through the ranks to become commander of Temüjin's personal guard.[9] The next year, 1206, Temüjin was formally proclaimed Genghis Khan, ruler of all the Mongols, marking the official start of the Mongol Empire, while Li Anquan killed Huanzong of Western Xia in a coup d'état and installed himself as Emperor Xiangzong. In 1207, Genghis led another raid into Western Xia, invading the Ordos Plateau and sacking Wuhai, the main garrison along the Yellow River, before withdrawing in 1208.[6][10] Genghis then began preparing for a full-scale invasion. By invading Western Xia, he would gain a tribute-paying vassal, and also would take control of caravan routes along the Silk Road and provide the Mongols with valuable revenue.[11] Furthermore, from Western Xia he could launch raids into the even more wealthy Jin dynasty.[12] First invasion (1209–1210) Mongol invasion of Western Xia in 1209 In 1209, Genghis undertook his campaign to actually conquer Western Xia. Emperor Xiangzong requested aid from the Jin dynasty, but the new Jin emperor Wanyan Yongji refused to send aid, stating that "It is to our advantage when our enemies attack each other. Wherein lies the danger to us?"[13] After defeating a force led by Gao Lianghui outside Wulahai, Genghis captured the city and pushed up along the Yellow River, defeating several cities as he went, until he reached the fortress Kiemen which guarded the only pass through the Helan Mountains to the capital, Yinchuan.[4][13][14] Containing an army of up to 70,000, plus 50,000 reinforcements, the fortress proved too difficult to capture, and after a two-month stand-off the Mongols feinted a retreat, luring the garrison, led by Weiming Linggong, out onto the field where it was easily destroyed.[13][14] His path now open, Genghis advanced to the capital. Well fortified, Yinchuan held about 150,000 soldiers, nearly twice the size of the Mongol army.[15] One of their first endeavors at siege warfare, the Mongols lacked the proper equipment and experience to take the city. They arrived at the city in May, but by October were still unsuccessful at breaking through.[4] Genghis attempted to flood the capital by diverting the river and its network of irrigation canals into the city, and by January 1210 the walls of Yinchuan were nearly breached. However, the dike used to divert the river broke, and the ensuing flood wiped out the Mongol camp, forcing the Mongols to take the higher ground.[4] Despite this setback, the Mongols still posed a threat to Western Xia, and with the state's crops destroyed and no relief coming from the Jin, Emperor Xiangzong agreed to submit to Mongol rule, demonstrating his loyalty by giving a daughter, Chaka, in marriage to Genghis and paying a tribute of camels, falcons, and textiles.[16] Mongol vassalage (1210–1224) In 1210, Western Xia attacked the Jin dynasty as punishment for their refusal to aid them against the Mongols.[17] The following year, the Mongols joined Western Xia and began a 23-year-long war against Jin. The same year Li Anquan abdicated the throne, and subsequently died, after Emperor Shenzong seized power. However, despite aiding the Mongols against Jin, in 1217 when Genghis Khan requested help for his Central Asian campaigns, Western Xia refused to commit troops, and as a warning the Mongols besieged the capital before withdrawing.[18][19] In 1219, Genghis Khan launched his campaign against the Khwarazmian dynasty in Central Asia, and requested military aid from Western Xia. However, the emperor and his military commander Asha refused to take part in the campaign, stating that if Genghis had too few troops to attack the Khwarazmian dynasty, then he had no claim to supreme power.[11][20] Infuriated, Genghis swore vengeance and left to invade Khwarazm, while Western Xia attempted alliances with the Jin and Song dynasties against the Mongols.[21] Second invasion (1225–1227) Mongol invasion of Western Xia, 1226-1227 After defeating Khwarazm in 1221, Genghis prepared his armies to punish Western Xia for their betrayal. Meanwhile, Emperor Shenzong stepped down from power in 1223, leaving his son Xianzong in his place. In 1225, Genghis Khan attacked with a force of approximately 180,000.[22] After taking Khara-Khoto, the Mongols began a steady advance southward. Asha, commander of the Western Xia troops, could not afford to meet the Mongols as it would involve an exhausting westward march from the capital Yinchuan through 500 kilometers of desert. With no army to meet them in pitched battle, the Mongols picked the best targets for attack and as each city fell the Mongols would draw on prisoners, defectors, supplies, and weapons to take the next one. Enraged by Western Xia's fierce resistance, Genghis annihilated the countryside, ordering his generals to systematically destroy cities and garrisons as they went.[11][21][23] Two months after taking Khara-Khoto, the Mongols reached a point where the Qilian Mountains force the Ruo Shui eastward, about 300 kilometers south of Khara-Khoto. At this point, Genghis divided his army, sending general Subutai to take care of the westernmost cities, while the main force moved east into the heart of the Western Xia Empire. Genghis lay siege to Suzhou, which fell after five weeks. Genghis then moved to Ganzhou, the hometown of his general Chagaan. Chagaan's father still commanded the city garrison, so Chagaan attempted negotiations with him. However, the second-in-command of the city staged a coup, killed Chagaan's father, and refused to surrender. The city took five months to subdue, and though the now furious Genghis threatened vengeance, Chagaan convinced him to only kill the 35 conspirators who killed Chagaan's father.[24][25] In August 1226, Genghis escaped the heat by residing in the Qilian Mountains while his troops approached Wuwei, the second-largest city of the Western Xia empire. As no relief came from the capital, Wuwei decided to surrender and avoid certain destruction. At this point, Emperor Xianzong died, leaving Mozhu to deal with a collapsing state as the Mongols encroached on the capital. In Autumn, Genghis rejoined his troops, took Liangzhou, crossed the Helan Shan desert, and in November lay siege to Lingwu, a mere 30 kilometers from Yinchuan.[26] Here, in the Battle of Yellow River, Western Xia led a counter-attack with an estimated force of over 300,000 troops, engaging Mongol forces along the banks of the frozen river and canal systems. The Mongols destroyed the Western Xia troops, supposedly counting 300,000 bodies of Western Xia soldiers after the battle.[27][28] Upon reaching Yinchuan in 1227 and setting siege to the city, Genghis prepared to invade the Jin dynasty in order to neutralize any threat of them sending relief troops to Western Xia as well as setting the stage for a final conquest of the Jin empire. Genghis sent a force under his son Ögedei Khan and commander Chagaan toward the southern border, and they pushed into Jin territories along the Wei River and south Shaanxi, even sending some troops over the Qinling to threaten the Jin capital at Kaifeng. Genghis himself rejoined with Subutai and headed southwest to slice across an approximately 150 kilometer-wide territory mainly in present-day Ningxia and Gansu. Subutai crossed the northern parts of the Liupan mountain range, zigzagging from town to town throughout February and March, and conquered the Tao River valley and Lanzhou region. Meanwhile, Genghis went due south, following the Qing Shui river.[29][30] Back in Western Xia, Yinchuan lay besieged for about six months, and Genghis, himself busy directing a siege of Longde, sent Chagaan to negotiate terms.Chagaan reported that the emperor agreed to capitulate, but wanted a month to prepare suitable gifts. Genghis agreed, though secretly planned to kill the emperor. During the peace negotiations, Genghis continued his military operations around the Liupan mountains near Guyuan, rejected an offer of peace from the Jin, and prepared to invade them near their border with the Song.[31][32] However, in August 1227, Genghis died of a historically uncertain cause, and, in order not to jeopardize the ongoing campaign, his death was kept a secret.[33][34] In September 1227, Emperor Mozhu surrendered to the Mongols and was promptly executed.[35] The Mongols then mercilessly pillaged Yinchuan, slaughtered the city's population, plundered the imperial tombs west of the city, and completed the effective annihilation of the Western Xia state.[21][36][37][38] Death of Genghis Khan Main article: Genghis Khan § Death and burial In August 1227, during the fall of Yinchuan, Genghis Khan died. The exact cause of his death remains a mystery, and is variously attributed to being killed in action by Western Xia, falling from his horse, illness, or wounds sustained in hunting or battle.[22][33][38][39][40] The Galician–Volhynian Chronicle alleges he was killed by the Western Xia in battle, while Marco Polo wrote that he died after the infection of an arrow wound he received during his final campaign.[33] Later Mongol chronicles connect Genghis' death with a Western Xia princess taken as war booty. One chronicle from the early 17th century even relates the legend that the princess hid a small dagger and stabbed him, though some Mongol authors have doubted this version and suspected it to be an invention by the rival Oirats.[41] Aftermath Mongol Empire at the time of Genghis Khan's death in 1227. Further information: Mongol conquest of China The destruction of Western Xia during the second campaign was near total. According to John Man, Western Xia is little known to anyone other than experts in the field precisely because of Genghis Khan's policy calling for their complete eradication. He states that "There is a case to be made that this was the first ever recorded example of attempted genocide, it was certainly very successful ethnocide."[42] However, some members of the Western Xia royal clan emigrated to western Sichuan, northern Tibet, even possibly northeast India, in some instances becoming local rulers.[43] A small Western Xia state was established in Tibet along the upper reaches of the Yalong River, while other Western Xia populations settled in what are now the modern provinces of Henan and Hebei. In China, remnants of the Western Xia persisted into the middle of the Ming dynasty.[44] Despite the death of Genghis, the Mongol Empire was at last successful in defeating Western Xia. Now, Genghis Khan's successors concentrated on unifying the rest of China. The Jin dynasty, already reeling from great losses of land and troops due to the ongoing Mongol campaign since 1211, finally collapsed in 1234. The Kingdom of Dali in southwest China fell in an invasion in 1253, and the Song in the south, after over four decades of a conflict begun 1235, surrendered in 1279.

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 Between 1205 and 1227, the Mongol Empire embarked on a series of military campaigns that ultimately led to the destruction of the Tangut-led Western Xia dynasty in northwestern China. Hoping to both to plunder and acquire vassalage, Genghis Khan commanded some initial raids against the Western Xia before launching a full-scale invasion in 1209. This was the first major invasion conducted by Genghis, and his first major incursion into China. The Mongols began a siege of the Western Xia capital Yinchuan that lasted nearly a decade, during which the Mongols tried to divert a river to flood the city, but accidentally flooded their own camp instead. Ultimately, Emperor Xiangzong of Western Xia surrendered to the Mongols in January 1210, marking the beginning of a decade of Western Xia vassalage under the Mongols, where they provided support for the Mongol conquest of the Jin dynasty. However, when Genghis invaded the Islamic Khwarazmian Empire in 1219, the Western Xia attempted to brea...

Major military efforts were taken by Kublai Khan of the Yuan dynasty in 1274 and 1281 to conquer the Japanese archipelago after the submission of the Korean kingdom of Goryeo to vassaldom. Ultimately a failure, the invasion attempts are of macro-historical importance because they set a limit on Mongol expansion and rank as nation-defining events in the history of Japan. The invasions are referred to in many works of fiction and are the earliest events for which the word kamikaze (神風 "divine wind") is widely used, originating in reference to the two typhoons faced by the Yuan fleets. The invasions were one of the earliest cases of gunpowder warfare outside of China. One of the most notable technological innovations during the war was the use of explosive, hand-thrown bombs.[7] Background See also: Mongol invasions and conquests and Mongol military tactics and organization After a series of Mongol invasions of Korea between 1231 and 1281, Goryeo signed a treaty in favor of the Mongols and became a vassal state. Kublai was declared Khagan of the Mongol Empire in 1260 (although that was not widely recognized by the Mongols in the west) and established his capital at Khanbaliq (within modern Beijing) in 1264.[citation needed] Japan was then ruled by the Shikken (shogunate regents) of the Hōjō clan, who had intermarried with and wrested control from Minamoto no Yoriie, shōgun of the Kamakura shogunate, after his death in 1203. The inner circle of the Hōjō clan had become so pre-eminent that they no longer consulted the council of the shogunate (Hyōjō (評定)), the Imperial Court of Kyoto, or their gokenin vassals, and they made their decisions at private meetings in their residences (yoriai (寄合)).[citation needed] The Mongols also made attempts to subjugate the native peoples of Sakhalin, the Ainu and Nivkh peoples, from 1264 to 1308.[8] However, it is doubtful if Mongol activities in Sakhalin were part of the effort to invade Japan.[9] Contact Letter from Kublai Khan of the "Great Mongol State" (大蒙古國) to the "King of Japan" (日本國王), written in Classical Chinese, the lingua franca in East Asia at the time, dated 8th Month, 1266. Now stored in Tōdai-ji, Nara, Japan. From 1266 to 1273, a diplomatic mission composed of Mongols and Koreans sent envoys to Japan six times to demand submission to the Mongols, but the Japanese ignored their demands.[10][11] In 1265, a Goryeo citizen told Kublai that the Mongols should bring Japan to vassalage. Kublai agreed and appointed Heuk Chŭk and Eun Hong as envoys to Japan. They were ordered to go to Goryeo and take with them a Goryeo envoy as well. They delivered a message to the Wonjong of Goryeo and two of his officials, Son Kun-bi and Kim Ch'an, were appointed to join them on their journey. On their departure, they were met by a storm and the king sent the Mongol envoys back to the Yuan court. Kublai was unsatisfied with the outcome and sent Heuk Chŭk back ordering Wonjong to forward the Mongol envoy to Japan.[12] Yi Changyong, a Goryeo minister, attempted to dissuade the Mongols from their plans on Japan.[13] Kublai sent a general, U-ya Son-dal, to demand that Yi Changyong and Kim Chun, the two most influential officials of Goryeo, be brought to the Yuan court. Kim killed U-ya Son-dal. This frightened Wonjong, who did not want to offend the Mongols, but he dared not lay a hand on Kim. Having gone unpunished, Kim and his family started showing disrespect towards the king. Wonjong and Im Yŏn, an official who hated Kim, summoned him to court and killed him.[14] Upon reaching the Japanese capital, the Mongol and Goryeo envoys were treated with disrespect and were not allowed to enter the gates. They lodged at a place called T'ă-jă-bu outside the west gate of the city. They remained there for five months with poor entertainment before being dismissed without receiving an answer. Kublai could not believe that his envoys had been treated with such disrespect and suspected that this was a ruse by Wonjong, so he sent Heuk Chŭk back to Japan, this time accompanied by the Goryeo envoy, Sim Sa-jŭn. The envoys had not returned by 1268 but ultimately left after their letter was rejected by the Japanese.[15][16] The letter stated: The Emperor of the Great Mongols, being commissioned by Heaven, hereby respectfully presents a letter to the King of Japan. From time immemorial rulers of small states, the borders of which closely adjoin, have always endeavoured to maintain friendly relations with each other and have manifested mutual respect and trust. On our part, we, from the time of our forefathers, have received the Mandate of Heaven and have ruled the universe. Innumerable people in far-off lands have learned to fear our power and have longed for our virtuous rule. When we first ascended the throne, the innocent and helpless people of Korea had suffered for long from military struggles. We therefore ordered a cessation of hostilities, restored their land, and returned the captive Koreans, young and old. In gratitude both ruler and people of Korea now present themselves at our court. Although the legal relation between ourselves and the Koreans is that of sovereign and subjects, yet in feeling we are as father and children. We assume that Your Highness and your subjects have known this. Korea is our eastern tributary state. Japan is located near to Korea and since her founding has time and again established relations with the Middle Kingdom. However, since our accession you have not yet sent an envoy to our court; nor have you indicated a desire to establish friendly relations with us. We are afraid this is because Your Kingdom has not yet been well informed of this. Therefore we now send a special envoy bearing our state papers to inform you of our desire. We hope that henceforth you will enter into friendly relations with us, and that both our people and yours will enjoy peace and harmony. Moreover, the sages consider the entire universe one family. Therefore, if we should not establish friendly relations with each other, how could it be in accordance with the doctrine of one family? Who would care to appeal to arms? I hereby leave the matter to Your Highness’s careful consideration.[17][nb 1] In early 1269, another mission of 70 Koreans and Mongols arrived on Tsushima demanding an answer from Japan to the khan's letter. The imperial court wished to respond but the Kamakura shogunate overruled them. A letter rejecting the Mongol demands was drafted but never delivered.[18] In late 1270, a final mission was dispatched by Kublai to Japan. The mission was led by Zhao Liangbi and consisted of 24 scribes. They were almost immediately attacked upon arrival in Japan in 1271. They were refused a visit to the "king of Japan". After delivering their letter and receiving no reply, they went home. Zhao waited for a response until 1273 before returning to China. Zhao advised Kublai against attacking Japan because even though the country lacked wealth, the people were warlike.[17][19] Japan took seriously the letter brought by the second diplomatic mission to Japan in 1268 as an omen of invasion; Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples were instructed to pray for the repulsion of foreign troops and the central government suspended most of its normal duties to concentrate on fortifying its existing defenses in Kyushu.[10] First invasion preparations Two Samurai with a dead Mongol at their feet. The one on the right is possibly Sō Sukekuni, the defending commander at Tsushima. Votive image (ema) at the Komodahama Shrine at Sasuura on Tsushima. In April 1274, the Yuan instructed Holdon and Hong Dagu to mobilize 15,000 men for the invasion of Japan. The Korean general Kim Panggyong led a force of 30,500 to build ships in the fashion of the Southern Chinese. A man from Shandong named Qi Gongzhi who helped Kublai design ships was ordered to Korea where he spent a few months before being sent to Xiangyang for the invasion of southern China. Three types of ships were constructed: 300 large thousand dan ships, 300 batulu fast boats, and 300 tenders. Hong Dagu was put in charge of the construction of large transports while Chaqu supervised the construction of the batulu fast boats. Goryeo was responsible for providing the labor, material, and cost of the construction, which they protested. The construction was finished on 5 July 1274.[20] The invasion fleet was scheduled to depart in the seventh lunar month of 1274 but was delayed for three months due to the death of Wonjong on 23 July and Holdon and Liu Fuheng's tardiness. They did not arrive until September.[21][2][3] Kublai planned for the fleet to first attack Tsushima Island and Iki Island before making landfall in Hakata Bay. The Japanese plan of defense was simply to contest them at every point with gokenin. Both Yuan and Japanese sources exaggerate the opposing side's numbers, with the History of Yuan putting the Japanese at 102,000, and the Japanese claiming they were outnumbered at least ten to one. In reality, there are no reliable records of the size of Japanese forces, but estimates put their total numbers at around 4,000 to 6,000. The Yuan invasion force was composed of 15,000 Mongol, Han Chinese, and Jurchen soldiers, 6,000 to 8,000 Korean troops, and 7,000 Korean sailors.[2][3] A story widely known in Japan is that back in Kamakura, Tokimune was overcome with fear when the invasion finally came and wanting to overcome his cowardice, he asked Mugaku Sogen, his Zen master, also known as Bukkō, for advice. Bukkō replied that he had to sit in meditation to find the source of his cowardice in himself. Tokimune went to Bukkō and said, "Finally there is the greatest happening of my life." Bukkō asked, "How do you plan to face it?" Tokimune screamed, "Katsu!" as if he wanted to scare all the enemies in front of him. Bukkō responded with satisfaction, "It is true that the son of a lion roars as a lion!"[22] Since then, Tokimune was instrumental in spreading Zen and Bushido in Japan among the samurai. First invasion (1274) Main article: Battle of Bun'ei Samurai Mitsui Sukenaga (right) defeating the Mongolian invasion army (left) The Mongol fleet destroyed in a typhoon, ink and water on paper, by Kikuchi Yōsai, 1847 Invasion of Tsushima The Yuan invasion forces set off from Hoppo (Chinese: 合浦, now Masan, South Gyeongsang Province, Korea) on 2 November 1274 (Dōngyuè 5 in the Chinese calendar).[23][24][25] Two days later they began landing on Tsushima Island. The principal landing was made at Komoda beach near Sasuura, on the northwestern tip of the southern island of Shimono. Additional landings occurred in the strait between the two islands of Tsushima, as well as at two points on the northern island of Kamino.[26] The following description of events is based on contemporary Japanese sources, notably the Sō Shi Kafu, a history of the Sō clan of Tsushima. At Sasuura, the invasion fleet was spotted offshore, allowing the deputy governor (jitodai) Sō Sukekuni to organize a hasty defense. On that day, the shrine to Hachiman caught fire, which would have been an omen of bad luck, but Sukekuni interpreted it as an omen of warning.[26] With 80 mounted samurai and their retinue, Sukekuni confronted an invasion force of what the Sō Shi Kafu describes as 8,000 warriors embarked on 900 ships.[27] The Mongols landed at 02:00 in the morning on 4 November and ignored the Japanese negotiation attempts, shooting with their archers and forcing them to retreat. The fight was engaged by 04:00.[27] The small garrison force was quickly defeated, but according to the Sō Shi Kafu, one samurai, Sukesada, cut down 25 enemy soldiers in individual combat.[28] The invaders defeated a final Japanese cavalry charge around nightfall.[28][27] After their victory at Komoda, the Yuan forces burnt down most of the buildings around Sasuura and slaughtered most of the inhabitants. They took the next few days to secure control of Tsushima.[27] Invasion of Iki Island The Yuan fleet departed Tsushima on 13 November and attacked Iki Island. Like Sukekuni, Taira no Kagetaka, the governor of Iki, gave a spirited defence with 100 samurai and the local armed populace before falling back to his castle by nightfall. The next morning, Yuan forces had surrounded the castle. Knowing that defeat was inevitable, Kagetaka sent his daughter with a trusted samurai, Sōzaburō, on a secret passage to the shore where a ship was waiting to take them to the mainland. Mongol archers spotted them and fired on the ship; Kagetaka's daughter was killed, but Sōzaburō managed to reach Hakata Bay and report Iki's defeat.[29] Kagetaka made a final failed sortie with 36 men, 30 of whom died in battle, before committing suicide with his family.[30] According to the Japanese, the Mongols held down the surviving women and stabbed them through their palms with knives, stripped them naked, and tied their corpses to the sides of their ships to demonstrate to other Japanese what their fate would be if they did not surrender.[31] Landing in Hakata Bay The Yuan fleet crossed the sea and landed in Hakata Bay on 19 November, a short distance from Dazaifu, the ancient administrative capital of Kyūshū. The following day brought the Battle of Bun'ei (文永の役), also known as the "First Battle of Hakata Bay". Conlan argues that the History of Yuan's account of the battle suggests that both the Japanese and Yuan forces were of similar size. Conlan estimates that both armies numbered around 3,000 each (not including the Yuan sailors) during this battle[32] while Japanese historians estimate 6,000 defenders on the Japanese side.[33] The Japanese forces, being inexperienced with non-Japanese tactics, found the Mongol army perplexing. The Yuan forces disembarked and advanced in a dense body protected by a screen of shields. They wielded their polearms in a tightly packed fashion with no space between them. As they advanced they also threw paper and iron casing bombs on occasion, frightening the Japanese horses and making them uncontrollable in battle. When the grandson of a Japanese commander shot an arrow to announce the beginning of battle, the Mongols burst out laughing.[34] The commanding general kept his position on high ground, and directed the various detachments as need be with signals from hand-drums. But whenever the (Mongol) soldiers took to flight, they sent iron bomb-shells (tetsuho) flying against us, which made our side dizzy and confused. Our soldiers were frightened out of their wits by the thundering explosions; their eyes were blinded, their ears deafened, so that they could hardly distinguish east from west. According to our manner of fighting, we must first call out by name someone from the enemy ranks, and then attack in single combat. But they (the Mongols) took no notice at all of such conventions; they rushed forward all together in a mass, grappling with any individuals they could catch and killing them.[35] — Hachiman Gudōkun The History of Yuan gives a similar but shorter account: Occupying the heights, his generals gave command by beating drums and the troops advanced or retreated according to the beat of the drums. When the enemy had moved into the pre-arranged positions, the invaders attacked from all sides. They also used firearms and [thus] slaughtered the enemy forces in countless numbers. Thus the Japanese were put to rout.[36] — History of Yuan The battle lasted for only a day, and the fighting, though fierce, was uncoordinated and brief.[37] One low-ranking samurai, Takezaki Suenaga, received word from his commander Shōni Kagesuke that he was to wait until the Mongols advanced due to difficult terrain, but Takezaki attacked the Mongols anyway. On his way to the beach, he encountered Kikuchi Takefusa, who had already encountered a Yuan detachment, driven them away and killed two. Kikuchi told him the "pirates" had already fled. Takezaki and his five companions charged the small Yuan detachment that Kikuchi had previously encountered, but their horses got stuck in the mud, and they were wounded by a barrage of arrows. Takezaki and three surviving retainers managed to retreat with the aid of Shiroishi Michiyasu, who charged the Yuan detachment and drove them away.[38][39] By nightfall the Yuan invasion force had forced the Japanese off the beach with a third of the defending forces dead, driving them several kilometres inland, and burning Hakata.[40] The Japanese were preparing to make a last stand at Mizuki (water castle), an earthwork moat fort dating back to 664.[41] However the Yuan attack never came. One of the three commanding Yuan generals, Liu Fuxiang (Yu-Puk Hyong), was shot in the face by the retreating samurai, Shōni Kagesuke, and seriously injured. Liu convened with the other generals Holdon and Hong Dagu back on his ship. Holdon wanted to keep advancing through the night before more Japanese reinforcements arrived, but Hong was worried that their troops were too exhausted and needed rest. There was also fear of being ambushed in the night. Liu agreed with Hong and recalled the Yuan forces back to their ships.[42] Disappearance of the invaders By morning, most of the Yuan ships had disappeared. According to a Japanese courtier in his diary entry for 6 November 1274, a sudden reverse wind from the east blew back the Yuan fleet. A few ships were beached, and some 50 Yuan soldiers and sailors were captured and executed. According to the History of Yuan, "a great storm arose and many warships were dashed on the rocks and destroyed."[43] It is not certain whether the storm occurred at Hakata or if the fleet had already set sail for Korea and encountered it on their way back. Some accounts offer casualty reports that suggest 200 ships were lost. Of the 30,000 strong invasion force, 13,500 did not return.[44] Second invasion preparations A stone defense wall (Genkō Bōrui) at Nishijin, near Seinan University. Currently, only the top of a few stone walls are exposed to the ground, and most of them have been reclaimed. A stake driven into the mouth of a river to prevent the Mongol army from landing. It was excavated in 1905 (Genkō Museum). After the invasion of 1274, the shogunate made efforts to defend against a second invasion, which they thought was sure to come. They better organized the samurai of Kyūshū and ordered the construction of forts and a large stone wall (石塁, Sekirui or 防塁, Bōrui) and other defensive structures at many potential landing points, including Hakata Bay, where a two-meter (6.6 ft) high wall was constructed in 1276.[45] In addition, a large number of stakes were driven into the mouth of the river and the expected landing sites to prevent the Mongol army from landing. Kublai Khan sent five Yuan emissaries in September 1275 to Kyūshū, who refused to leave without a reply. Tokimune responded by having them sent to Kamakura and then beheading them.[46] The graves of those five executed Yuan emissaries still exist at Jōryū-ji, in Fujisawa, Kanagawa, near the Tatsunokuchi Execution Place in Kamakura.[47] Five more Yuan emissaries were sent on 29 July 1279, in the same manner, and were again beheaded, this time in Hakata. In the autumn of 1280, Kublai held a conference at his summer palaces to discuss plans for a second invasion of Japan. The major difference between the first and the second invasion was that the Yuan dynasty had finished conquering the Song dynasty in 1279 and was able to launch a two-pronged attack. The invading force was drawn from several sources, including criminals with commuted death sentences and even those mourning the loss of their parents—a serious affair in China. More than 1,500 ships were requisitioned for the invasion: 600 from southern China and 900 from Korea. Reportedly 40,000 troops were amassed in Korea and 100,000 in southern China. Those numbers are likely an exaggeration, but the addition of southern Chinese resources probably meant the second invasion force was still several times larger than the first invasion. Nothing is known about the size of the Japanese forces.[4] Second invasion (1281) Main article: Battle of Kōan Attacks on Tsushima and Iki Orders for the second invasion came in the first lunar month of 1281. Two fleets were prepared, a force of 900 ships in Korea and 3,500 ships in southern China with a combined force of 142,000 soldiers and sailors.[32] The Mongol general Arakhan was named supreme commander of the operation and was to travel with the Southern Route fleet, which was under the command of Fan Wenhu but was delayed by supply difficulties.[48] The Eastern Route army set sail first from Korea on 22 May and attacked Tsushima on 9 June and Iki Island on 14 June. According to the History of Yuan, the Japanese commander Shōni Suketoki and Ryūzōji Suetoki led forces against the invasion force. The expeditionary forces discharged their firearms, and the Japanese were routed, with Suketoki killed in the process. More than 300 islanders were killed. The Yuan soldiers sought out the children and killed them as well. However, the History of Yuan merges events in June with the later battle in July, when Shōni Suketoki actually fell in battle.[49] Landings in Nagato and Hakata Bay Japanese samurai boarding Yuan ships in 1281. The defensive wall at Hakata The Eastern Route army was supposed to wait for the Southern Route army at Iki, but their commanders, Hong Dagu and Kim Bang-gyeong, disobeyed orders and set out to invade Mainland Japan by themselves. They departed on 23 June, a full week ahead of the expected arrival of the Southern Route army on 2 July. The Eastern Route army split their forces in half and simultaneously attacked Hakata Bay and Nagato Province. Three hundred ships attacked Nagato on 25 June but were driven off and forced to return to Iki.[49] Meanwhile, the rest of the Eastern Route army attacked Hakata Bay, which was heavily fortified with a defensive wall. Some Mongol ships came ashore but were unable to make it past the defensive wall and were driven off by volleys of arrows.[50] Japanese counterattacks and Mongol withdrawal Unable to land, the Mongol invasion force occupied the islands of Shika and Noko from which it had planned to launch raids against Hakata. Instead, the Japanese launched raids at night on board small ships. The Hachiman Gudōkun credit Kusano Jirō with boarding a Mongol ship, setting fire to it, and taking 21 heads.[51] The next day, Kawano Michiari led a daytime raid with just two boats. His uncle Michitoki was immediately killed by an arrow, and Michiari was wounded both in the shoulder and the left arm. However, upon boarding the enemy ship, he slew a large Mongol warrior for which he was made a hero and richly rewarded. Takezaki Suenaga was also among those who raided the Yuan fleet.[52] Takezaki also participated in driving the Mongols from Shika island, although in that instance, he was wounded and forced them to withdraw to Iki on 30 June.[53] The Japanese defence of Hakata Bay is known as the Battle of Kōan. On 16 July, fighting commenced between the Japanese and Mongols at Iki Island, resulting in Mongol withdrawal to Hirado Island.[54] Stalemate at Hakata After the Southern Route fleet convened with the Eastern Route fleet, the two fleets took some time rearranging themselves before they advanced on Taka island. After taking Taka island, the Yuan army advanced on Hakata. A two-week battle ensued throughout the countryside that entered a stalemate.[55] On 12 August, the Japanese repeated their small raids on the invasion fleet that lasted throughout the night. The Mongols responded by fastening their ships together with chains and planks to provide defensive platforms. There are no accounts of the raids from the Japanese side in this incident unlike at the defence of Hakata Bay. According to the History of Yuan, the Japanese ships were small and were all beaten off:[55][56] Japanese war craft, being small in size, were no match [for these ships]. Those which came up to attack were all beaten off. The whole country therefore was trembling with fear. In the markets there was no rice for sale. The Japanese ruler went in person to visit the Hachiman Shrine to make supplication. He also had a royal rescript read at the shrine of the Sun Goddess, imploring that the country be saved in exchange for his own life.[57] — History of Yuan Typhoon kamikaze and the end of the invasion Wooden anchor of Mongol invasion Stone anchor of Mongol invasion Illustration by Katsushika Isai(1821–1880) On 15 August, a great typhoon, known in Japanese as kamikaze, struck the fleet at anchor from the west and devastated it. Sensing the oncoming typhoon, Korean and south Chinese mariners retreated and unsuccessfully docked in Imari Bay, where they were destroyed by the storm.[58] Thousands of soldiers were left drifting on pieces of wood or washed ashore. The Japanese defenders killed all those they found except for the southern Chinese, who they felt had been coerced into joining the attack on Japan. Now it happened one day that such a gale was blowing from the north that the troops declared that, if they did not get away, all their ships would be wrecked. So they all embarked and left the island and put out to sea. And let me tell you that when they had sailed about four miles, the gale began to freshen and there was such a crowd of ships that many of them were smashed by colliding with one another.[57] — Marco Polo According to a Chinese survivor, after the typhoon Commander Fan Wenhu picked the best remaining ships and sailed away, leaving more than 100,000 troops to die. After being stranded for three days on Taka island, the Japanese attacked and captured tens of thousands. They were moved to Hakata where the Japanese killed all the Mongols, Koreans, and Northern Chinese. The Southern Chinese were spared but made slaves. According to a Korean source, of the 26,989 Koreans who set out with the Eastern Route fleet, 7,592 did not return.[6] Chinese and Mongol sources indicate a casualty rate of 60 to 90 percent.[59] Size of the invasion Many modern historians believe the figures for the invasion force to be exaggerated, as was common in post-classical chronicles. Thomas Conlan, from Princeton University, writes that they were likely exaggerated by an order of magnitude, implying 140,000 soldiers and sailors, and he expresses skepticism that a medieval-era kingdom could have managed an invasion on the scale of D-Day during World War II, across over ten times the distance, and questions if even 10,000 soldiers attacked Japan in 1281.[32] Morris Rossabi writes that Conlan is correct in his assertion that the invasion force was much smaller than traditionally believed but argues that the expenditures lavished on the mission confirm that the fighting force was sizable and much larger than 10,000 soldiers and 4,000 sailors. He puts forward the alternative figure of 70,000 soldiers and sailors, half of what is stated in the Yuanshi and later Japanese claims.[60] Turnbull believes that more than 140,000 is an exaggeration but does not offer his own estimate for the size of the army. Rather, he states that given the contributions of the Southern Song, the second invasion should have been around three times larger than the first. As he earlier listed the common figure of 23,000 for the first invasion uncritically—unlike the estimate of more than 140,000 for the second which would imply an invasion force of around 70,000, on par with Rossabbi's estimate.[61] Aftermath Shōni Kagesuke and his forces in Akasaka The defeated Mongol Empire lost most of its naval power, and its naval defense capability declined significantly.[62] Korea, which was in charge of shipbuilding for the invasion, also lost its ability to build ships and its ability to defend the sea since a large amount of lumber was cut down.[63] On the other hand, in Japan there was no newly acquired land because it was a defensive war, and so the Kamakura shogunate could not give rewards to gokenin who participated in the battle, and its authority declined.[64] Later, taking advantage of the situation, the number of Japanese joining the wokou began to increase, and attacks on the coasts of China and Korea intensified.[62] As a result of the war, there was a growing recognition in China that the Japanese were brave and violent and that invasion of Japan was futile. During the Ming dynasty, invasion into Japan was discussed three times but was never carried out considering the result of this war.[65][66][67] Cultural influence See also: Mongol invasions of Vietnam and Mongol invasion of Java The Zen Buddhism of Hōjō Tokimune and his Zen master Bukkō gained credibility beyond national boundaries, and the first mass followings of Zen teachings among samurai began to flourish. The failed invasions also mark the first use of the word kamikaze ("divine wind"). The fact that the typhoon that helped Japan defeat the Mongol navy in the first invasion occurred in late November, well after the normal Pacific typhoon season (May to October), perpetuated the Japanese belief that they would never be defeated or successfully invaded, which remained an important aspect of Japanese foreign policy until the very end of World War II. The failed invasions also demonstrated one of the Mongols' weaknesses: the inability to mount naval invasions successfully.[68] Military significance Bombs and cannons Stoneware bombs, known in Japanese as tetsuhō (iron bomb), or in Chinese as zhentianlei (literally, heaven-shaking thunder), excavated from Takashima shipwreck, October 2011. The Mongol invasions are an early example of gunpowder warfare outside of China. One of the most notable technological innovations during the war was the use of explosive bombs.[7] The bombs are known in Chinese as "thunder crash bombs" and were fired from catapults, inflicting damage on enemy soldiers. An illustration of a bomb is depicted in the Japanese Mongol Invasion scrolls, but Thomas Conlan has shown that the illustration of the projectiles was added to the scrolls in the 18th century and should not be considered to be an eyewitness representation of their use.[69] However, archaeological discoveries since Conlan's statement have confirmed the existence of bombs in the Yuan invasion's arsenal. Multiple bomb shells were discovered in an underwater shipwreck off the shore of Japan by the Kyushu Okinawa Society for Underwater Archaeology. X-rays by Japanese scientists of the excavated shells show that they contained gunpowder and were also packed with scrap iron.[70][71] The Yuan forces may have also used cannons during the invasion. The Nihon Kokujokushi, written around 1300, mentions huo tong (fire tubes) at the Battle of Tsushima in 1274 and the second coastal assault led by Holdon in 1281. The Hachiman Gudoukun of 1360 mentions iron pao "which caused a flash of light and a loud noise when fired."[72] The Taiheiki mentions a weapon shaped like a bell that made a noise like thunder-clap and shot out thousands of iron balls.[72][73] Takezaki Suenaga and escaping Mongolians Japanese sword The yumi (longbow) and naginata were the main weapons of samurai in this period. Yumi is able to shoot while riding on horseback with the Japanese sword acting as a secondary weapon. As a result of the war, intellectuals of the Mongol Empire regarded Japanese swords as a threat. For example, Wang Yun, who served Kublai, and Zheng Si-xiao, a surviving retainer of the Song Dynasty, mentioned in their book that "Japanese swords are long and extremely sharp." They argued that the combination of a violent samurai and a Japanese sword was a threat.[74][75] The Mongol invasions facilitated a change in the designs of Japanese swords. The swordsmiths of the Sōshū school represented by Masamune studied tachi that were broken or bent in battle, developed new production methods, and created innovative tachi. They forged the blade using a combination of soft and hard steel to optimize the temperature and timing of the heating and cooling of the blade, resulting in a lighter but more robust blade. They made the curve of the blade more gentle, lengthened the tip linearly, widened the width from the cutting edge to the opposite side of the blade, and thinned the cross section to improve the penetration and cutting ability of the blade.[76][77] A typical Ko-Hōki (old Hōki) school tachi. Dōjigiri, by Yasutsuna. 12th century, Heian period, National Treasure, Tokyo National Museum. This sword is one of the Five Swords Under Heaven. (天下五剣 Tenka Goken) A typical Ko-Hōki (old Hōki) school tachi. Dōjigiri, by Yasutsuna. 12th century, Heian period, National Treasure, Tokyo National Museum. This sword is one of the Five Swords Under Heaven. (天下五剣 Tenka Goken) A Sōshū school katana. It was originally a tachi forged by Masamune in the 14th century, but later it was cut from the root and converted into a katana. As it was owned by Ishida Mitsunari, it was commonly called Ishida Masamune. Important Cultural Property, Tokyo National Museum. A Sōshū school katana. It was originally a tachi forged by Masamune in the 14th century, but later it was cut from the root and converted into a katana. As it was owned by Ishida Mitsunari, it was commonly called Ishida Masamune. Important Cultural Property, Tokyo National Museum. Gallery Japanese attack ships Japanese attack ships Mongol soldiers, second version Mongol soldiers, second version Mongol ships, second version Mongol ships, second version Japanese armour ō-yoroi, National Treasure, Kasuga grand shrine Japanese armour ō-yoroi, National Treasure, Kasuga grand shrine Mongol brigandine armour Mongol brigandine armour Mongol helmet Mongol helmet See also Mongol invasion of Java Genkō Bōrui Goryeo under Mongol rule Battles of Khalkin Gol—failed Japanese attempt to invade Mongolia in 1939. Mongol invasions of Sakhalin Mongolians in Japan Battle of Baekgang—battle between Baekje and Yamato Japan, against Silla and Tang China. Japan–Mongolia relations References Footnotes Original text in Chinese: 上天眷命大蒙古國皇帝奉書日本國王朕惟自古小國之君境土相接尚務講信修睦況我祖宗受天明命奄有區夏遐方異域畏威懷德者不可悉數朕即位之初以高麗無辜之民久瘁鋒鏑即令罷兵還其疆域反其旄倪高麗君臣感戴來朝義雖君臣歡若父子計王之君臣亦已知之高麗朕之東藩也日本密邇高麗開國以來亦時通中國至於朕躬而無一乘之使以通和好尚恐王國知之未審故特遣使持書布告朕志冀自今以往通問結好以相親睦且聖人以四海為家不相通好豈一家之理哉以至用兵夫孰所好王其圖之不宣至元三年八月日 Citations Conlan 2001, pp. 261–263 cites a variety of estimate from various Japanese historians as well as the author's own. Twitchett 1994, pp. 437–442. Turnbull 2010, p. 32. Turnbull 2010, pp. 55–57. Turnbull 2010, pp. 49–50. Turnbull 2010, pp. 69–76. Turnbull, Stephen (19 February 2013). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey Publishing. pp. 41–42. ISBN 978-1-4728-0045-9. Retrieved 16 April 2013. The conquest of Ainu lands: ecology and culture in Japanese expansion, 1590–1800 By Brett L. Walker, p.133 Nakamura, Kazuyuki (2010). "Kita kara no mōko shūrai wo meguru shōmondai" 「北からの蒙古襲来」をめぐる諸問題 [Several questions around "the Mongol attack from the north"]. In Kikuchi, Toshihiko (ed.). Hokutō Ajia no rekishi to bunka 北東アジアの歴史と文化 [A history and cultures of Northeast Asia] (in Japanese). Hokkaido University Press. p. 428. ISBN 9784832967342. 元寇 (in Japanese). Japan Knowledge. Archived from the original on 5 October 2022. Retrieved 29 January 2023. "Joint project celebrating the 50th anniversary of Japan-Mongolia diplomatic relations. Relations between Japan and Mongolia in the 13th century". National Archives of Japan. Archived from the original on 25 August 2022. Retrieved 29 January 2023. Hulbert 1999, p. 344-345. Henthorn 1963, p. 68-69. Hulbert 1999, p. 345-346. Hulbert 1999, p. 346. Turnbull 2010, p. 12-13. Turnbull 2010, p. 14. Turnbull 2010, p. 13. Lo 2012, p. 253. Lo 2012, p. 253-254. Lo 2012, p. 254-2555. Jonathan Clements (7 February 2013). A Brief History of the Samurai. Little, Brown Book Group. p. 93. ISBN 978-1-4721-0772-5. "여몽연합군의 일본 정벌, 실패한 까닭은 [윤명철의 한국, 한국인 재발견]". The Korea Economic Daily. 2020-08-09. "충렬왕 - Chungnyeong of Goryeo". "일본원정". Encyclopedia of Korean Culture. Turnbull 2010, p. 33. Turnbull 2010, p. 34. Delgado 2010, p. 92. Delgado 2010, p. 93. Turnbull 2010, p. 37. Delgado 2010, pp. 93–94. Conlan, p. 264 Delgado 2010, p. 94. Turnbull 2010, p. 49. Needham 1986, p. 178. Turnbull 2010, p. 41. Turnbull 2010, p. 40. Delgado 2010, p. 95. Turnbull 2010, pp. 47–48. Delgado 2010, pp. 95–96. Turnbull 2010, p. 48. Delgado 2010, p. 96. Delgado 2010, p. 97. Turnbull 2010, p. 48-50. 福岡市教育委員会 (1969). "福岡市今津元寇防塁発掘調査概報". Comprehensive Database of Archaeological Site Reports in Japan. Retrieved 2016-09-02. Reed, Edward J. (1881). Japan: its History, Traditions, and Religions, p. 291., p. 291, at Google Books "常立寺". www.kamakura-burabura.com. Archived from the original on 12 August 2017. Retrieved 30 April 2018. Winters, Harold et al. (2001). Battling the Elements, p. 14., p. 14, at Google Books Turnbull 2010, p. 58. Turnbull 2010, p. 59. Turnbull 2010, p. 62. Delgado 2010, p. 105. Delgado 2010, p. 106. Turnbull 2010, p. 69. Delgado 2010, p. 107. Turnbull 2010, p. 70. Turnbull 2010, p. 71. Emanuel, Kerry; Emanuel, Professor Department of Earth Atmospheric and Planetary Sciences Program in Atmospheres Oceans and Climate Kerry (1 September 2005). Divine Wind: The History and Science of Hurricanes. Oxford University Press, USA. ISBN 978-0-19-514941-8. Retrieved 30 April 2018 – via Internet Archive. mongol invasion of japan. Turnbull 2010, p. 75. Rossabi, Morris. "Khubilai Khan: His Life and Times." 1988. Page xiii. Turnbull 2013, p. 57. Wang Yong, 中国史のなかの日本像 Section 2 of Chapter 6. Nousangyoson bunka Kyōkai, 2000, ISBN 9784540001710 Hiroki Ōta, 高麗の艦船用材木事情 元の日本遠征に関連して. pp.2-20. Geirinkai, 1988, NAID 40000975703 Davis, Paul K. (2001). 100 decisive battles: from ancient times to the present, p. 146., p. 146, at Google Books Wang Yong, 中国史のなかの日本像 Section 3 of Chapter 6. Nousangyoson bunka Kyōkai, 2000, ISBN 9784540001710 Michihiro Ishihara 新訂 旧唐書倭国日本伝・ 宋史日本伝・元史日本伝―中国正史日本伝〈2〉, pp.213-216. Iwanani bunko, 1986 ISBN 978-4003340219 Hiroki Ōta, 明朝による日本征討論の顛末-元帝国の遠征失敗から得た教訓 pp.1-24, 政治経済史学478, 2006 NAID 40015220057 "The Mongols in World History | Asia Topics in World History". afe.easia.columbia.edu. Archived from the original on 2007-09-27. Retrieved 2018-04-05. Conlan, Thomas. "Myth, Memory and the Scrolls of the Mongol Invasions of Japan". in Lillehoj, Elizabeth ed. Archaism and Antiquarianism in Korean and Japanese Art (Chicago: Center for the Art of East Asia, University of Chicago and Art Media Resources, 2013), pp. 54-73. Sasaki 2015, p. 69. Delgado, James (February 2003). "Relics of the Kamikaze". Archaeology. 56 (1). Archaeological Institute of America. Archived from the original on 2013-12-29. Needham 1986, p. 295. Purton 2010, p. 109. Michihiro Ishihara 新訂 旧唐書倭国日本伝・ 宋史日本伝・元史日本伝―中国正史日本伝〈2〉, p.213. Iwanani bunko, 1986 ISBN 978-4003340219 Yasuhiro Kawagoe 汎海小録の弘安の役記事について 軍事史学 第11巻第1号, pp.26-34. Kinseisha、1975, NAID 40000814544 "なぜ「正宗」は名刀なのか" [Masamune Sword and Blade Workshop] (PDF). "五箇伝(五ヵ伝、五ヶ伝)" [Nagoya Japanese Sword Museum Touken world]. Sources Wikimedia Commons has media related to Mongol invasions of Japan. Conlan, Thomas (2001). In Little Need of Divine Intervention. Cornell University Press. Delgado, James P. (2010). Khubilai Khan's Lost Fleet: In Search of a Legendary Armada. Lo, Jung-pang (2012), China as a Sea Power 1127-1368 Davis, Paul K. (1999). 100 Decisive Battles: From Ancient Times to the Present. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-514366-9. OCLC 0195143663. Henthorn, W. E. (1963). Korea: The Mongol Invasions. Leiden E. J. Brill. Hulbert, HOMER B. (1999). The History of Korea Vol. 1. The Methodist Publishing House. Needham, Joseph (1986). Science & Civilisation in China. Vol. V:7: The Gunpowder Epic. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-30358-3. Purton, Peter (2010). A History of the Late Medieval Siege, 1200–1500. Boydell Press. ISBN 978-1-84383-449-6. Reed, Edward J. (1880). Japan: its History, Traditions, and Religions. London: J. Murray. OCLC 1309476. Sansom, George (1958). A History of Japan to 1334. Stanford University Press. Sasaki, Randall J. (2015). The Origins of the Lost Fleet of the Mongol Empire. Satō, Kanzan (1983). The Japanese Sword. Kodansha International. ISBN 9780870115622. Turnbull, Stephen (2003). Genghis Khan and the Mongol Conquests, 1190–1400. London: Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-415-96862-1. Turnbull, Stephen (2010). The Mongol Invasions of Japan 1274 and 1281. Osprey. Twitchett, Denis (1994). The Cambridge History of China. Vol. 6, Alien Regime and Border States, 907–1368. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521243319. Winters, Harold A.; Galloway, Gerald E.; Reynolds, William J.; Rhyne, David W. (2001). Battling the Elements: Weather and Terrain in the Conduct of War. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins Press. ISBN 9780801866487. OCLC 492683854.원나라의 일본 원정(元日戰爭)은 1274년과 1281년의 두 번에 걸쳐 원나라의 쿠빌라이 칸이 시도한 일본에 대한 군사 침공을 말한다. 당시 쿠빌라이 칸은 부마국(駙馬國) 충렬왕에게 출정을 강제로 요구하여 만들어진 원정연합군이 일본을 침략했으나 일본군의 완강한 방어와 도중에 만난 태풍으로 인해 실패하였다. 명칭 한국 및 중국의 사료에는 주로 동정(東征) 내지 정동(征東), 정일본(征日本)으로 언급된다. 한국의 역사학자들은 '원나라의 일본원정(日本遠征)', 중국의 사학자들은 원일전쟁(元日战争)이라 부르고 있다. 일본측에서 해당 사건을 가리켜 부르는 원구(元寇)라는 용어는 흔히 에도 시대에 도쿠가와 미쓰쿠니 등이 편찬한 대일본사에서 처음으로 등장한 이래 18세기 長村鑒의 『몽고구기』(蒙古寇紀)、오미야야마 마사히데(小宮山昌秀)의 『원구시말』(元寇始末)、19세기의 大橋訥庵의 『원구기략』(元寇紀略) 등 한국이나 중국의 왜구에서와 같은 「구」(寇)를 사서가 등장해, 해당 사건을 가리키는 일반적인 용어로 굳어갔다. 사건이 벌어졌던 당대 및 그 시점에서 멀지 않은 가마쿠라 ・ 무로마치 시대의 일본 문헌에서는 모코 슈라이(蒙古襲来), 이조쿠 슈라이(異賊襲来), 모코 갓센(蒙古合戦), 이코쿠 갓센(異国合戦) 등으로 표기되어 등장한다. '이조쿠(異賊)'라는 호칭은 일본 이외의 외래로부터 침입해 온 세력을 가리키는데 쓰였는데 『하치만구도훈』(八幡愚童訓) 등 가마쿠라 시대 후기를 전후한 문헌에서는 도이의 입구(刀伊の入寇)나 진구 황후(神功皇后)에 의한 삼한정벌(三韓征伐) 전설에 대해서도 이 호칭을 사용하였다. 그밖에 「흉도」(凶徒)라는 호칭도 사용되었다. 또한 1274년의 1차 침공을 분에이 캇센(文永合戦)、1281년의 제2차 침공을 고안 캇센(弘安合戦)이라 부르기도 한다. 내용 제 1차 원정 고려가 몽골에 굴복하게 되자 1268년에 쿠빌라이 칸은 고려를 통하여 일본에 사절을 보내 통호의 뜻을 전하고 입공을 촉구하였다. 이에 대해 일본 조정측에서는 답신을 보낼 것을 주장하였으나 싯켄(執權)이었던 호조 도키무네는 이를 거부하고 답신도 보내지 않았다. 몽고의 사절은 그 후에도 사절을 보내 왔으나 막부는 몽고의 요구를 듣지 않았다.[1] 결국 몽골은 고려로 하여금 원정을 준비하도록 압박했고 1274년(충렬왕 1년)11월 제 1차로 일본을 침략하였다. 막대한 비용이 소비되는 일이었지만 고려로서는 반대할 수 없었다. 원나라의 강압으로 꾸려진 원정군은 원나라의 훈둔과 고려의 김방경(金方慶)이 사령관으로 지정되어 9백 척의 함선에 총 4만의 군사를 거느리고 고려를 출발하여 10월 5일에 쓰시마(對馬), 10월 14일에 이키(壹岐)를 습격하고, 규슈의 하카타항에 도착, 히라도(平戶)·다카시마(鷹島)의 마쓰우라(松浦)의 본거지를 전멸시켰으나 전투 내내 태풍으로 인해 지속적인 피해를 입었고[2], 강남군의 지연 도착으로 군사 작전에 큰 차질이 생긴 연유로 하여 다음날 퇴각하였다. 개국을 목표로 1차 군사적 조치를 통한 압박에 목적이 있었다는 것이 일반적 견해이다. 제 2차 원정 제 2차 원정은 1281년(충렬왕 7년)에 행해졌다. 고려를 거쳐 가는 동로군(東路軍)은 함선 900, 병원(兵員) 4만, 강동군(江東軍)은 함선 3,500, 병원 10만이었다. 그러나 이번에도 태풍으로 인하여 실패하고 말았다. 여기에는 물론 해상의 기후에 대한 인식의 결핍에도 원인이 있었지만, 동시에 당시 일본의 정권을 쥐고 있던 가마쿠라 막부의 완강한 저항과 일본 정벌에 전력을 기울일 수 없던 원의 국내 사정에도 원인이 있었다. 3차 정벌 준비 3차 정벌도 준비 했으나 남송에서 반란이 일어나 도중에 계획이 무산되었다. 결과 고려의 기 고려 두 차례에 걸친 원정에 강제 동원된 고려는 막대한 피해를 입었으며, 농민들이 이 새로운 동원으로 입은 참상은 형언키 어려운 것이었다. 목선이나 무기에 동원된 자원도 엄청나서 여몽전쟁에 시달린 고려 백성에게 더욱 큰 부담이 되었으며, 원정 도중 징발된 많은 고려 백성이 원정 도중 만난 태풍으로 인해 사망해서 인적 손실 또한 막대하였다. 무엇보다도, 원나라가 일본정벌을 위해 설치한 정동행중서성은 고려의 내정을 간섭하는 기구로 변하였고, 1356년(공민왕 5) 반원(反元)정책을 추진하면서 폐지하게 될 때까지 고려를 압박하였다. 특히 속관(屬官)으로 존재한 이문소는 고려에 존재했던 부원세력(附元勢力)의 이익을 대변하는 기구로 변했다.[3] 일본의 기 일본 원정군의 공격과 미나모토노 가문 후손 단절로 인해 일본도 민심이 흔들리고 전쟁으로 가마쿠라 막부 정권이 쇠퇴하면서 세력이 분열되어 남북조 시대로 넘어가는 중대한 계기가 되었다. 또한 일본으로서는 최초로 받은 외부세력의 대규모 공격이었다. 각주 연민수 1998 23쪽. "1268년에 쿠빌라이는 고려를 통하여 사절을 보내 통호의 뜻을 전하고 입공을 촉구하였다. 이에 대해 조정측에서는 답신을 보낼 것을 주장하였으나 싯켄(執權)이었던 호죠 토키무네(北条時宗)는 이를 거부하고 답신도 보내지 않았다. 몽고의 사절은 그 후에도 계속해서 사절을 보내 왔으나 막부는 몽고의 요구를 듣지 않았다." 『쿠빌라이칸의 일본 원정과 충렬왕』(이승한, 푸른역사, 2009) 정동행중서성

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 Major military efforts were taken by Kublai Khan of the Yuan dynasty in 1274 and 1281 to conquer the Japanese archipelago after the submission of the Korean kingdom of Goryeo to vassaldom. Ultimately a failure, the invasion attempts are of macro-historical importance because they set a limit on Mongol expansion and rank as nation-defining events in the history of Japan. The invasions are referred to in many works of fiction and are the earliest events for which the word kamikaze (神風 "divine wind") is widely used, originating in reference to the two typhoons faced by the Yuan fleets. The invasions were one of the earliest cases of gunpowder warfare outside of China. One of the most notable technological innovations during the war was the use of explosive, hand-thrown bombs.[7] Background See also: Mongol invasions and conquests and Mongol military tactics and organization After a series of Mongol invasions of Korea between 1231 and 1281, Goryeo signed a treaty in favor of the...